Daniel Andrews has no regrets over rubbing shoulders with property developer John Woodman after he gained "privileged access" to the premier through political donations and lobbyists.
No adverse findings have been made against the Victorian premier or his ministers over Mr Woodman's attempts to exert influence over a lucrative planning proposal, the state's Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission has found.
But the commission said Mr Woodman and his associates sought to meet and build relationships with senior Labor MPs in anticipation of the party winning the 2014 election.
Landowners paid him to lobby for a proposal to rezone land in Cranbourne West from commercial to residential, increasing its value and creating a windfall.
The scheme change needed the approval of Casey council in Melbourne's southeast and Victorian planning minister Richard Wynne, who deferred his decision in 2018 and rejected the proposal in 2020.
Through registered lobbyist Philip Staindl and a Labor-affiliated fundraising group, the commission said Mr Woodman was able to have contact with the premier, deputy premier, treasurer, attorney-general, roads minister and education minister.
But the Operation Sandon report, tabled in state parliament on Thursday, highlighted how Mr Woodman and his associates were able to buy their way into opportunities for privileged access.
"Their attempts to influence senior state politicians further demonstrate the importance of political donations and the significant role of lobbyists in helping to open doors to decision-makers," it said.
The report detailed several representations to Mr Andrews, including a 2017 lunch with Mr Woodman, Mr Staindl and others after a winning bid of more than $10,000 at a fundraiser.
Acting IBAC commissioner Stephen Farrow said Mr Staindl testified that a precondition of attending the 2017 lunch was a ban on discussing planning matters.
In a covertly intercepted phone call, Mr Staindl also described to Mr Woodman a conversation he had with the premier at a 2019 function.
"He said the premier praised Mr Woodman’s contribution to the Labor Party and lamented the fact Mr Woodman was being pursued with allegations of corruption by a journalist who was an 'arsehole'," the report said.
"Mr Staindl said the premier asked him to apologise to Mr Woodman for the minister for planning’s deferral of their decision ... because of those allegations."
Mr Staindl suggested he had given the premier Mr Woodman’s number and Mr Andrews expressed interest in calling him.
In his secret examination, Mr Andrews told IBAC he could not recollect a conversation with Mr Staindl at the function but some of the things recounted to Mr Woodman did not "ring true" or "sit well" with him.
The premier accepted Mr Staindl may have given him Mr Woodman's number but it was "highly unlikely" it would have been to talk about a planning application.
But the "general tenor" of the conversation was as Mr Staindl described, IBAC ruled.
Mr Farrow defended a decision not to grill the premier during public hearings in 2019 and 2020, saying it wasn't justified under the IBAC Act's criteria.
Speaking to reporters, Mr Andrews said he had not reflected on his dealings with Mr Woodman.
"I'm not about regrets," he said.
"I've got too much to do and I'm focused on the future."
He said the government was right to sack the council in 2020 and drew a distinction between donations to Labor MPs and suitcase transactions made between Mr Woodman and a Casey councillor.
"That's not a donation - there's another word for that," the premier said.
Victorian Opposition Leader John Pesutto said the report was the latest in a long list of dodgy deals, corrupting influences and bad behaviour under the Andrews government.
